A former President of the United States was convicted of 34 felonies by a unanimous jury in
criminal court, and most commentators I read or heard said that
this will have little or no effect on his very good chances to be elected to that office
again in November. When in American history
has something like this been even a remote possibility?
Yet, despite a jury trial with no procedural glitches,
Republican Congressional and other elected government officials lined up against the judicial process. Trump referred to the judge as “the devil,”
and some of his supporters threatened retribution against the judge,
prosecutors and the jury. What other
word is there for all this but hysteria?
The premise of this post and the two previous in this series
(part 1 here, part 2 here) is simple: there seems to be no rational explanation
for the current political situation in the United States, especially pertaining
to the upcoming presidential election.
Attempts have been made to explain it in economic, political, cultural,
even demographic terms, but none is sufficient. Journalists are left to find new ways to say the situation is
unprecedented, that it defies logic and certainly previous political norms.
So it seems to me we need to broaden (and deepen) our
exploration for answers, especially in the area that the modern West knows as
the psychological. The phenomena being
manifested however has been well known to other ages and other cultures, dealt
with under what we would call (but not all of them call) religion, and earlier
definitions of philosophy.
Since the rise of our current dictator-in-waiting, I’ve
tried to account for these phenomena. I
found some relevance in cult behavior,
but this may be insufficient. I recently
turned to the essays of Carl Jung before and after World War II, analyzing the
most notorious twentieth century outbreak of a thirst for authoritarian
leadership in Germany and Hitler. Jung
applied a psychological term not much in use today: hysteria. I find it very evocative. It clearly bypasses rationality and
reference to consensus reality. And it
fits the rise of Trump to a chilling extent.
Jung writes of these phenomena in terms of the human
unconscious, which is partly personal and partly collective, and its
relationship to the conscious mind. As
a rule, an eruption from the unconscious that infects consciousness but
is not recognized or evaluated by it, is dangerous to the individual, and when
it is part of a mass phenomenon, to society as a whole. This is particularly true when the eruptions
come primarily from the darker unconscious, also known as the shadow.
Mass hysteria is galvanized and defined by the hysteric that
demands it, and so in addition to image etc. this individual becomes a
symbol. How else to explain a person
holding such sway whose speeches and so-called press conferences are largely
incoherent? Especially one who has gone from “I alone can fix it” to “I am your
retribution.”
One sign of being ruled by the unconscious is what Jung
called one-sidedness, in which simplistic certainties dripping with self-righteousness replace the recognition
of complexities. From denial, projection, etc. comes stereotypes of the Other as objects of hate. This is currently manifest on both sides of the American
political divide, but most rabidly on the right, now quickly forming the
American Reich. Their hysteria is defined by their eagerness to override the procedures of the government of all.
It is a sign of the extremes of the current situation that
the American Reich routinely denies realities which pass all rational tests:
even of the violent events at the Capitol on January 6, 2021, caught by cameras
and witnessed by millions on television.
Though not identical, this is related to the pathological lying that
Jung identified as part of a particular kind of hysteric personality, such as
Hitler’s.
How have we gotten here?
We have individual responsibilities to look to ourselves, as well as to
represent a conscious evaluation of our politics and society. But Jung also identifies culture as a bulwark
against rule by the dark unconscious, and that aspect is the subject of this
post.
Our American past is not free of eruptions of irrational
violence, even if our histories gloss over them. The country began with an invasion and cultural as well as
physical genocide. We still suffer
effects from a century or more of the slavery of African Americans,. There have been other periods and episodes
of racial violence that erupted in various places.
Our politics also has had episodes of violence and conspiracy,
and of the urge (even in high places) towards authoritarian rule. But we can also cite a political culture
that was established with the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution,
and created a civic stability that became the envy of the world. America had political and legal norms. The rule of law under the Constitution was
sacrosanct, the equivalent of a secular religion.
While attitudes and behavior we now define as racist and sexist, etc. were embedded in the culture, they were not essential to the founding principles, and therefore its culture. In fact progress was made partly by repeatedly invoking those principles.
The culture enforced rules on political behavior not
completely enshrined in law, through the consensual behavior we call
tradition. There was always jockeying
for advantage, but all parties were forced to obey rules enforced by the
political system itself, and the public will behind it. The Supreme Court became the final arbiter,
and its interpretations of the Constitution at times may have been met with
consternation by some, but they were accepted.
So for example, duly confirmed vote totals were accepted by
losers as well as winners. The
presidency was a high moral as well as political office, and though the office
was held by men of questionable ethics, even the hint of criminal behavior
would doom a candidate from the start.
More broadly, there was a consensus reality accepted by all
(or nearly all), and an accepted set of tests that said what was a fact and what
was not. And there was plenty of fierce
debate within these strictures and structures.
So what the hell happened?
People with a longer memory or deeper knowledge of history may point to
prior precedents, but in my lifetime, the Vietnam War era exposed falsehoods
and corruption in government and related institutions that damaged the sense of
legitimacy.
Trusted elements of the federal government (supported by
large businesses and elements of academia with a common self-interest) were
found to be lying, when they were not simply ignoring facts. The cost was paid in blood and
resources. War protesters challenged
their legitimacy, both in themselves and in contrast to the cultural principles everyone said they believed in.
This war protest all began with conscious use of the research of facts,
of applying ethical standards and of analyzing and speculating on structures
that were responsible. But as time went
on darker elements of the unconscious joined in, as some became more desperate
to end the war, and transform society. There were excesses resulting in
violence, and visions of conspiracies that might have been fruitful speculation
but were characterized more by the emotional power of unjustified
certainty. Recognizing complexity and
ambiguity just wasn’t very satisfying.
It is important to note that for all its challenges to the
legitimacy of the three branches of government, the antiwar movement mostly
respected the established norms of process—of elections and judicial decisions.
And from the beginning, it dealt in facts as well as interpretations of their
meaning.
I’m not going to even try to follow the ramifications over
the decades, but it’s pretty clear that in 2024 that politically both sides
have in startling ways become their opposites.
The previously conservative right, that defended the establishment
against the hippies and leftists, has become the insurrectionist,
conspiracy-pushing antiestablishment totalitarian hysterics (maintaining
however a still pious regard for wealth), more extreme than all but the fringe
of the New Left ever was.
The flip is sometimes remarkable. Conservative America and the medical establishment once could
only scoff and stare when hippie lefty types droned on about health food and
organic processes, plant-based medicine and foreign techniques like
acupuncture, meditation and massage.
Now that elements of these radical practices are fairly standard in
establishment medicine, advocates, practitioners and “influencers” on YouTube promote supposed
natural remedies, and turn out to be among the right wing deniers of Covid
vaccines, absorbed as a convenient article of faith on the new right.
The answer to the why question is probably in the area
suggested last time: in the conflict between what they know has been done to
their lives that’s not directly their fault, and the deep shame (however
unjustified) and various inferiority feelings they nevertheless have and
desperately repress, even from their own consciousness, as well as undifferentiated anger at their plight as perceived victims of injustice or a national turn towards "evil."
Judging from what this segment is visibly eager to suppress
or reverse, they feel particularly threatened by cultural changes that get
grouped under the term of diversity. This trend that has been going on in fits
and starts for generations has sometimes been accompanied by conflict and
violence, but now it is met by political power. The difference is that this power embraces non-democratic means,
which in itself for Americans indicates a dangerous eruption from the
unconscious, an increasingly organized hysteria.
Probably none of this would have emerged so strongly had not
they had real grievances that were ignored or belittled, and real basis for
feeling shamed and excluded. Or if instead of being cowed by them and trying to
avoid controversy, politicians had shown some vision and conviction, especially
when they weren’t facing an immediate election. Those in other political niches
have their own shadow problems, and until they (or we) deal with those, this
won’t get better.
To some extent, we
all feel threatened by change. How we
evaluate those feelings in consciousness makes the difference. Whether we project, or on the other hand,
feel empathy; whether we act out, or act to accommodate change.
That’s some of the “why.”
The answer to “how” is partly, and I would still say greatly, in their
self-created Internet-linked cult, in which they find mutual support, outlets
and forms for their repressed rage, even a special language, and a drug-like
feeling of power which lifts them from a knowing helplessness. Radio made Hitler and television made Trump,
but the membership of the American Reich is being made via the Internet, its
social media and its algorithms. This
is dangerous for any group, who must remain conscious of what all this evokes
in them.
In dynamic back and forth, Trump and opportunists of the
Internet (with lots of help from Russian and Chinese trolls) define for their passionate if quickly substituted beliefs, cobbled together from
confronting new situations with hysterical interpretations of old doctrine and
the grimmest hits of the past, plus fantasies of rebellious early America and
the bluster common to dictatorships and organized crime.
The Internet links huge numbers of people who may be
otherwise isolated, and the speed and intensity of the communication can take
hold at a level below consciousness, urging people to more extreme views as
their unstated membership fee. Cult
behavior is even more personal—members who deviate can become immediate exiles.
Add to the more active hysteria the “low information voter”
(who may or may not eventually vote) who has little basis for choice other than
feelings, which are usually negative, emerging without filter from the shadow
of the unconscious. They see Trump as the champion of their own shadow, now
liberated to express itself without the effective cautions of institutional
culture. (Low information voters also
used to vote based on party loyalty, but as party and other supporting
mechanisms fade, there seems to be less of this.)
This feeling of shared beliefs and truths, of belonging,
becomes more important when other sources of identity (like the steady job in a
community of intact families) are failing.
There is also the rush of battling common cause and a common enemy that
must always be renewed. It’s similar to
the pumped-up “outrage” that some on the opposite side can get from
demonstrations etc. as well as internal group sessions.
So in a broad political historical sense, the mostly
justified distrust of political institutions in the 1960s and 70s may have set the
template for those who wish to take over if not destroy those institutions, not
to expand democracy and diversity (as the 60s radicals advocated) but to
establish White authoritarian rule dominated by a certain, mostly dark kind of
Christianity. The American Reich is
still a minority, but seems dangerously close to taking power in a more
significant way.
Responding to this distrust of those who defend these
institutions, new standards has been applied to electing officials, so that
today there are more members of Congress and Senators who are ideologically
rigid and otherwise more ignorant, added to those whose moral sense stops at
what is good for their party. They are
representatives of the shadow. This ideological fervor and partisanship has most alarmingly
infect the Supreme Court, now effectively corrupted and politicized in ways
that clearly benefit the American Reich.
However it is worth saying that while the culture of
American civic institutions has been badly eroded, it has not been
eradicated. The New York jury that
convicted Trump on the evidence presented is an example of it, as are the many
election officials throughout the country that have stood up to the bullying of
the American Reich.
In the 1950s, Jung expanded on the dynamics of culture, the
individual and mass society, especially in the writings that were translated
and published in the US as a book in 1958, The Undiscovered Self. Jung’s discussion of religion as a cultural
counterbalance raises too many complicated issues to address here, especially
in view of how much has changed since then, and the different context of the
US. Here, the civic religion of
Constitutional freedom and democracy was strong, and for at least much of my
lifetime, pretty much in tandem with the ethical teachings of institutional
religion. But now both are divisive and often at odds, especially as civic
education itself has been weakened.
Particularly when established religion is no longer the
basis of a cultural consensus, Jung writes, it is up to the individual to do
the work of confronting the unconscious with personal religious
experience. The individual, he writes
“needs the evidence of inner, transcendent experience which alone can protect
him from the otherwise inevitable submersion in the mass.”
Jung believed that modern people are susceptible to mass
suggestion also because they tend to be insufficiently grounded in nature. Beyond a mention or two in his 1946 essay,
he elaborates on this in other parts of his work, and again, the topic is too
complex and fraught with a different contemporary significance to be more than
just mentioned here.
Jung realized that the intellectual tenor of the time made a
certain kind of rationalism the standard of validity, and that all this talk of
the unconscious and so on was likely to fall on deaf and perhaps embarrassed
ears. So his outlook for the future wasn’t
optimistic: “The underestimation of the psychological factor is likely to take
a bitter revenge.”
We may want or need
to ignore the insanity of what’s going on—it makes for clickable
sensationalism, but it fits into the everyday decadence on the rest of the
front page. Most of the time we have to
ignore it to stay sane. But that very
insanity ought to be telling us that there’s more going on here than can be
explained in newspaper columns and cable television roundtables.
Jung believed that the possibility of the destructive
contents of the unconscious expressing themselves in a “collective possession”
is always present in society, even in our supposedly enlightened, rational
times. Nuclear arsenals made this
possibility infinitely more dangerous even in his time, and now, we can add climate
distortion.
In the best of times, he speculates, it is held back by “the
critical reason of a single, fairly intelligent, mentally stable stratum of the
population.” He suggests an optimistic
estimate of its upper limit is “about forty percent of the electorate.”
Perhaps ordinary political strategies and voting patterns
will result in at least holding back this hysteria from power in the next
election. But it may take more than
that—it may require some scrutiny from a different perspective, a wider view of
what is relevant, as well as what is at stake.