Wednesday, September 21, 2005

Getting Out of Iraq: the Woolsey Hearings

from "Calls for Withdrawal from Iraq Echoing in Washington" at alternet. (Excerpts.) Full story here.

By Tom Hayden

Tom Hayden was a leader of the student, civil rights, peace and environmental movements of the 1960s.He is the author of ten books, including "Street Wars" (New Press, 2004)

Congressional debate finally has turned to an exit strategy from Iraq after an interminable period of dominance by proponents of war and occupation, as a result of the Sept. 15 hearing on withdrawal chaired by Rep. Lynn Woolsey. Twenty-nine members of Congress attended the four-hour forum, including one Republican, Rep. Walter Jones of North Carolina.

After next week's massive anti-war demonstrations, Congress is expected to increase its gradual exploration of how to get out of Iraq. A critical moment will come in January 2006, the start of the election year, when Bush is likely to send a request for another $100 billion in Iraq funding on top of $100-plus billion for Hurricane Katrina. According to the Wall Street Journal, "cutting spending on Iraq is Americans' top choice for financing the recovery from Katrina."

Despite the hearing and intensified anti-war pressure, there remains a huge gap between the minimum demands of the anti-war movement and the maximum that Congressional representatives are able or willing to offer, at least in the short run. But a deep unease runs through both parties and the military. The original neo-conservative "vision" of a quick victory in Baghdad followed by invasions of Syria and Iran seems out of the question (although a sudden bombing of Iran's nuclear site remains possible).

And Democrats, slowly, painfully, pathetically, are beginning their reconsideration. The internal strategic thinking of party leaders was summarized by one member as: "The Republicans can declare victory and leave, but the Democrats can only declare failure and be blamed." Such reasoning leads to abdication of any opposition to the war. But that has begun to change.

One example came in the testimony of former Sen. Max Cleland at the Woolsey hearing. A Vietnam veteran and one of Sen. John Kerry's "band of brothers" in 2004, Cleland issued a Democratic radio message only a month ago in which he said the U.S. should have "a strategy to win or an exit strategy to get out." But by the Woolsey hearing, Cleland had moved to a passionate call for an exit strategy, period:

"Now, however, I have concluded that the best way to support our troops is with an exit strategy from Iraq. We need an exit strategy we choose or it will certainly be chosen for us. The question about Iraq is not whether we will withdraw our forces, but when."

Cleland also testified that "according to a four-star general, there was a five-year plan for the military occupation of the Middle East" before the occupation became bogged down.

In addition to a political accommodation with the Sunnis, there was unanimity on several other key points.

Creating a peace envoy. Marine General Joseph Hoar (ret.) proposed a "paradigm shift that places a major political figure in charge, a special envoy" to move the political process forward. Former Air Force official Antonia Chayes proposed a "third-party mediation process" including someone like former Sen. George Mitchell.

Proposing and enacting military de-escalation steps. Hoar, Chayes and other witnesses all supported the end of search-and-destroy missions, and the only Iraqi-American witness, Anas Shallal argued for the release or reduction of inmates rounded up in sweeps.

No one testified in favor of plans for immediate withdrawal. Witnesses were divided over a one-year timetable for withdrawal, as envisioned in the Woolsey and Feingold plans. On the other hand, all of the witnesses opposed the open-ended "stay the course" position of the Bush administration.

Declaring no interest in permanent bases or control of Iraq's oil. There was strong consensus in favor of such an immediate declaration.

Funding real reconstruction. There appeared to be consensus that economic reconstruction should be pledged through new mechanisms free of the present dominance of U.S. contractors.

© 2005 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.

No comments: