Why do some people persist in denying the realities of the climate crisis? In some cases, the cause is easily named: money. Last week Greenpeace revealed documentary evidence (obtained through the Freedom of Information Act) confirming that one of the most prominent scientists who insists that climate changes are not caused by greenhouse gas pollution has been generously funded by the fossil fuels industry, and just about nobody else. The Guardian:
Over the last 14 years Willie Soon, a researcher at the Harvard-Smithsonian Centre for Astrophysics, received a total of $1.25m from Exxon Mobil, Southern Company, the American Petroleum Institute (API) and a foundation run by the ultra-conservative Koch brothers, the documents obtained by Greenpeace through freedom of information filings show. According to the documents, the biggest single funder was Southern Company, one of the country’s biggest electricity providers that relies heavily on coal.
Does this mean that the deniers who quote him religiously will soon drop Soon, and maybe even their denial? Not in the media or in other rabid right institutions, for most of their paychecks also depend on orthodox denying. The fact that Greenpeace got the documents will invalidate the numbers themselves in the eyes of many deniers. Because all of their "facts" are 90% ideology, they believe as an article of faith that everybody else's facts are as well.
Beyond those addicted to Koch--and we're all shocked, shocked that gambling has been going on here--there are others who lack a direct profit motive. But according to Joel Achenbach in the National Geographic there are other ways to profit--by remaining a member in good standing of your group, your circle of actual and virtual friends, your associates (and not appearing weird to them may also be a matter of keeping your job, moving on up, etc. and therefore also related to money.) He quotes Dan Kahan of Yale:
In the U.S., climate change somehow has become a litmus test that identifies you as belonging to one or the other of these two antagonistic tribes. When we argue about it, Kahan says, we’re actually arguing about who we are, what our crowd is. We’re thinking, People like us believe this. People like that do not believe this. For a hierarchical individualist, Kahan says, it’s not irrational to reject established climate science: Accepting it wouldn’t change the world, but it might get him thrown out of his tribe.
“Take a barber in a rural town in South Carolina,” Kahan has written. “Is it a good idea for him to implore his customers to sign a petition urging Congress to take action on climate change? No. If he does, he will find himself out of a job, just as his former congressman, Bob Inglis, did when he himself proposed such action.”
This article has many other observations and theories, some I would argue with, some I'd give a "yes, but..." And I sense I wouldn't agree with much else that Kahan writes (what does he really know about rural South Carolina towns?), but since this agrees with my own observations I'll endorse it. A lot of what people say--including almost all gossip--is really about being recognized as a member of their group, even if it is not a group of their choice but of circumstance, like (most often) in the workplace.
How does any of this change? Global heating as an "issue" is so difficult because it is part of a bundle of issues that define politics and groups. Republicans won enough in 2014 that they're not budging from any of their stands, no matter what the consequences. But more generally, big changes on apparently intractable issues happen underneath the surface noise, person by person, then group by group, until suddenly it's all over. It happened with South Africa and apartheid, it happened with cigarette smoking.
One of the most effective anti-apartheid tools was disinvestment, and it was incremental over years. As was noted before here, disinvestment in fossil fuels have been accumulating even faster. One of the big academic holdouts has been Harvard. Last week some 30 prominent alums signed a letter in support of disinvestment:
The alumni included Maya Lin, the architect of the Vietnam war memorial, Nobel laureate Eric Chivian, Pulitzer prize-winning author Susan Faludi, academics, preachers, former US senators and Securities and Exchange commissioners as well as Bill McKibben, the founder of the group 350.org, which has driven the campus divestment campaign.
And the dance goes on.
One more thing...
President Obama vetoed the bill Congress passed to force him to approve the Keystone pipeline. A flurry of emails ensued, including from environmental groups. The Climate Reality Project claimed total victory, but 350.org got it right--the veto was not on the merits of the pipeline, but on Congress usurping an executive branch function. Though it seems more and more likely that this administration will not approve the project itself, that decision hasn't happened yet.
Back To The Blacklist
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The phenomenon known as the Hollywood Blacklist in the late 1940s through
the early 1960s was part of the Red Scare era when the Soviet Union emerged
as th...
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